Il ruolo della Polonia nella crisi ucraina come avvocato degli USA
Ukraine and the West
http://intersectionp...kraine-and-west
On the 15th May 2004, Warsaw University hosted a meeting of Professor Bronisław Geremek with students of the elite scientific society “Collegium Invisibile”. It was organized - as a part of the seminar cycle “student-tutor” - by one of the “Intersection Project” Editorial Board’s members, Lukasz Adamski, Professor Geremek’s student at that time. During the seminar, Professor Geremek commented on Mr Adamski’s presentation about the German-Ukrainian relations. He also answered some of the questions from the audience. Several topics were discussed: EU Eastern Policy, questions of relations between history and politics, as well as Polish eastern policy after 1989, which had been conducted by Polish governments, with Mr Geremek’s active participation.
Later, Bronisław Geremek authorized the transcript, and transferred the rights of its use for possible publication to Mr Adamski.
We are presenting the transcript of this conversation, which is being published for the first time, to the readers of the “Intersection”. Prof. Geremek’s influence on Polish and European politics, as well as his significant position in European intellectual circles, makes the text an important historical source that complements our knowledge of the backstage of the Polish-Soviet relations 1989-1991. At the same time, the conversation provokes reflections on the relevance of the comments uttered eleven years ago.
The editors have not made any editorial amendments to the content and style of Professor Geremek’s statement. We limited our intervention only to a division of the transcript into three separate articles, being thematically related one to another. We also added titles. In addition, we changed the order of some paragraphs, as compared to the original transcript, wishing to preserve the integrity of the discussed issues.
Part 2
At present, there is a tendency in Ukrainian policy towards lowered expectations from the West and stronger ties with Russia. The West has reneged on its promises to Ukraine, while Russia does buy Ukrainian sugar. Whenever Ukraine’s finances are in trouble, then all of a sudden sugar purchase quotas get increased, Chubais arrives in the country and makes changes with a single stroke – which only has the effect of weakening Brussels assistance. Ukraine’s disappointment with the West also reflects the circumstance that the Ukrainians have failed to do their homework, that is to stick to their reform pledges, whether in the economic or political field. It is true that the condition of democratic institutions is incomparably better than in Belarus, but the Ukrainian homework has yet to be done. President Bush has the impression that his Ukrainian counterpart has cheated him on arms sale. If you think about prospects for Ukraine’s future, just look at two signals which the country received over the past two weeks. One was Washington’s refusal to invite the Ukrainian president to attend the NATO summit in Istanbul. The other was the message that came from Verheugen: We are going to do this or that for Ukraine, but have no illusions whatever about membership.
In these circumstances, in addition to a nostalgia for the times where resources were meagre but evenly spread — and some degree of such nostalgia can be found elsewhere, too — we also have in Ukraine a disenchantment with the West. Fortunately, this is not a disenchantment with Poland. Our country plays an important role, sincerely seeking to act as Ukraine’s advocate. Interest in Ukrainian affairs can be detected whenever a Polish representative takes the floor.
Can it be said that Germany treats Poland in the same way as it treats Ukraine? I am not certain of that. It seems to me that Germany appreciates the importance of Poland, and does not appreciate the importance of Ukraine. If you ask a German a simple question of how many Ukrainians there are, you will never hear that Ukraine is the most populous country of Europe’s East. This is something no-one seems to know. What is known is that it was one of the vassal states. Germans actually know more about Estonia or Latvia, but they know very little about Ukraine. Germany sees no political role for Ukraine, and no place for the country in Europe.
Is there a place for Ukraine in the European Union? There is certainly a place for Croatia – maybe because Croatia is better at public relations than Ukraine is, and maybe because Croatia is more attractive as a tourist destination. Or perhaps because during World War II Croatia was so close to Germany? In fact, certain national sensitivities are influenced by history – a history which is either remembered or not, and which is either invoked or not. Why was it that Germany recognised Croatia so quickly? I do not know. There were no interests at play, except that Dubrovnik is truly eye-catching and breathtaking. And then that historical precedent. Well, history comes back to us, once again.
I think it is very good that Poland – including our academic community — has been so active towards Ukraine and Belarus. This means invoking a certain set of values, and it also means that there is a certain level of public awareness. But will we convince the European Union to that? I do not know. This will be the first question asked towards the end of this year, when the European Union takes a decision on Turkish entry. This is a civilisational dilemma. Europe, after all, has no boundaries. How would you draw such boundaries? Can you say that 3% of Turkey is European and the rest are Asian steppes? In actual fact, every generation draw their own frontiers of Europe. But one boundary must stay unequivocal – the axiological boundary, the boundary of values and of principles applied in political practice, as defined by the Copenhagen criteria. One question is about democracy, the rule of law, freedom and respect for minority rights, and another question is about capacity to function within the European Union. These are questions to which Ukraine will have to find its answers.
I think that Ukraine’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance is a fairly short-term prospect, assuming that the Alliance will still exist. The NATO entry is possible, the Alliance’s survival is not certain. What about forecasting an entry in the European Union? It is important, I believe, that neither Poland nor Germany give a negative answer. There should not be any definite “no” answer. In such case any worse-case scenario could only unveil, most notably one involving a full dependence on Russia,
Western countries face the question: why Ukraine and Belarus, but not Russia? To me, it is important not to give an answer which would say that Russia is behind the horizon of European integration. This is a delicate matter. We cannot tell the Russian zapadniks – Westernizers – that when they strove to tie Russia with the West, they were unwisely pursuing a stupid and misplaced cause. We cannot tell the contemporary Decabrists that their dreams cannot come true. It would be a dramatic situation indeed, if help did not come from Putin, who said that Russia has no intention of joining European integration. Where questions are not asked, there is no use answering them.
But Ukraine does want to join the European Union, and it made pronouncements to this effect – unlike President Putin who said that Russia, while being a European country, will not seek EU membership. Incidentally, if it did sought such membership, we would have problem finding out who joins whom.
A continuation of Russia’s imperial idea requires that Ukraine remains a part of Russia. But with an independent Ukraine, the Russia idea stands very poor chances indeed. Thus if we want to persuade the Germans into engaging with, and learning more about Ukraine, we have to make them find their own interest in that. And this is the task for all of us.
I think it is crucial that Poland treat the matter in a consistent manner – by fostering the Ukraine cause and opposing statements about no entry for Ukraine, such as the one made by Verheugen.
It is important to watch the relations between Ukraine and Germany, as these are important for Ukraine, for Europe as a whole, and obviously for Poland, too.
Edited by Rick, 05 June 2015 - 21:33.